Although Bayrou attempted to reduce this debt, at least in part—and according to economists, his measures would save €44 billion—he encountered discontent and resistance from the left-wing alliance. Lecornu has now inherited this risky undertaking.
The new Popular Front, and in particular its central political force, La France Insoumise (LFI), expected to be tasked with forming a government after the extraordinary elections. But even then, Macron appointed Gabriel Attal, the youngest prime minister in French history, from the ranks of Macron's party La République En Marche and the Ensemble! coalition.
Attal was succeeded by Michel Barnier, who remained in office for only three months—the shortest term in the era of the Fifth Republic [since 1958]. His successor was Bayrou, and so all Macronists focused on reducing government spending despite resistance from the left.
At the inauguration ceremony, Lecornu said that the new government must be creative and also negotiate with the opposition parties. He also hinted that a change in policy would be necessary. “There must be change – not only in form or method, but also in substance,” he said at the ceremony.
“I will not make a big speech today. Starting this afternoon, I will meet with representatives of the largest political parties and, in the coming days, with other political parties and trade unions, and I will have the opportunity to introduce myself to the French people,” he said.
The legacy of Charles de Gaulle
A graduate of a Catholic school, he was drawn to the legacy of the founder of the Fifth French Republic from an early age. Charles de Gaulle, general and leader of the French resistance movement against the Nazi occupation, introduced a model of government that lies between monarchy and republic.
After the constitutional amendment of 1958, which massively strengthened the powers of the president, the ruling guard around the war hero relied on the stability of political representation. If the Élysée Palace and the government he appoints have a supportive majority in parliament, he can govern undisturbed.
Gaullism is based on the principles of the free market, a strong state with a strong army, and a comprehensive social system, and aims to create a so-called third way between socialism and capitalism. US President Bill Clinton and former British Prime Minister Tony Blair pursued a similar policy, often using phrases such as “economically right, socially left.”
Lecornu (born in 1986) was inclined towards this type of politics in his youth and therefore joined organizations such as the Youth Union for the People's Movement (UMP), which later became the Republican Party, and the Young Right of the Vernon region.
In 2008, he became an advisor to the Secretary of State for European Affairs in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, which was then headed by Bruno Le Maire, who until recently was the Minister of Finance.
In 2014, he became mayor of the city of the same name and later a member of the Vernon Cantonal Council. He also became president of the Eure Departmental Council, in which Vernon is located.
In 2017, he became Secretary of State in the Ministry of the Environment, which Macron had renamed the Ministry of Ecological and Solidarity Transformation. His superior was Minister Nicholas Hulot, who remained in office for only 15 months.
He was primarily responsible for energy and oversaw the completion of at least two nuclear power plants, namely Fessenheim and Flamanville. Nevertheless, the Republicans, together with Gérald Darmanin, excluded him from their ranks because he had “fraternized” with Macron's representatives. In the same year, he therefore joined Macron's La Republique en marche movement.
A year later, he became Minister for Local Self-Government in the Ministry of Territorial Cohesion. The ministry is responsible for communication between the government and local representatives in the departments.
When Jean Castex became Prime Minister in July 2020, Lecornu became Minister for Overseas Territories, which until 1947 was known as the Ministry of Colonies. Castex's successor, Élizabeth Borne, appointed him Minister of Defense, a position he held under her and three other prime ministers.
President Macron – secret monarchist
As we have already written in Štandard, the head of the Élysée Palace is not very willing to negotiate with representatives of parliament. Before the second round of parliamentary elections, the Macronists had agreed to cooperate with the radical left, which led to a weakening of the “far right,” i.e., Marine Le Pen's National Rally (RN).
However, it is precisely the left gathered around the LFI that has announced a motion to impeach the president. It was submitted on Tuesday, coinciding with the resignation of former Prime Minister Bayrou, which he submitted after Monday's vote of no confidence in parliament.
“Bayrou has fallen. Victory and relief for the people. Macron is now on the front line,” declared LFI leader Jean-Luc Mélenchon on Network X, adding that “he too must go.” According to his party's parliamentary group leader, Mathilde Panot, “Macron's policies are in the minority both in parliament and across the country.”
However, there is no indication that Macron intends to resign. Following the example of his predecessors, he is making use of all the options available to him under the Constitution of the Fifth Republic. In addition to his representative power, the head of state has the responsibility and therefore also the right to appoint a government that remains in office even without the confidence of Parliament—although it has only limited powers.
Even before the early elections, which Macron had announced after the European elections as a “litmus test” for the mood in society, there were voices from political observers pointing to possible problems due to so-called cohabitation.
In France, this term refers to the “cohabitation” of the president and the prime minister from different political parties. Originally, cohabitation referred to the RN's campaign manager, Jordan Bardella, but Macron apparently did not want to take any risks with Mélenchon or other left-wingers either.
After every government collapse—there have been five in the last two years—demands appear in the domestic media to “bow to the voters” so that the president appoints a prime minister from among the official election winners. But even Lecornu's nomination shows that this has not happened so far.
However, due to pressure from the left and right, Attal fell after nine months, the last three of which he spent in resignation. Barnier lasted only three months and Bayrou also nine. Given the unpopularity of Gaullist or Macronist prime ministers in parliament, it is therefore questionable how long Lecornu will last.
