But no generation has clung to this illusion as stubbornly as the Baby Boomers, the children of post-war prosperity whose formative years were defined by the radical upheavals of the 1960s. Nowhere is this phenomenon more evident than in the trajectory of Germany’s Green Party, which, since its founding in 1980, has transitioned from a youthful protest movement to a deeply entrenched political institution. Once the radical voice of a disillusioned left, the Greens now face the uncomfortable reality of their own ageing—both demographically and ideologically.
The Greens were always more than a party; they were a movement, a rejection of the old left’s industrial dogma. Whereas Social Democrats fought for wage increases through trade unions and Communists clung to the rigid orthodoxy of Marxist theory, the Greens embraced new battlegrounds: gender politics, environmental consciousness, and pacifism—at least until governing demanded otherwise. Their appeal was tailored to an educated middle class, particularly teachers, academics, and public sector employees who found in Green ideology a modern, intellectually palatable alternative to the rigid class politics of their predecessors.
From the outset, the Greens’ strategy was shaped by the mantra of the ”long march through the institutions.” Yet what was framed as an arduous struggle to infiltrate the system often resembled more of a leisurely stroll through open doors. By the 1980s, the radical left had already established itself within academia, media, and civil society, ensuring that the Greens did not have to fight their way into the establishment—they were the establishment. Unlike their conservative counterparts, whose footholds eroded over time, the Greens consolidated power, ensuring ideological continuity within public discourse.
The Establishment of the Deep Green State
The inherent contradictions of their anti-establishment origins became evident when the Greens entered government. Joschka Fischer, a former street activist, became Germany’s Foreign Minister in 1998, symbolising the party’s transition from protest to power. Under his tenure, Germany participated in its first post-war military engagement during the Kosovo War—an extraordinary departure from the Greens’ foundational pacifism. To rationalise this volte-face, Fischer invokes a painful memory, as he argued that ”Never again Auschwitz” necessitated intervention, thereby creating a precedent for future military engagements driven by moral imperatives.