Anthony Fauci was one of the most powerful public health officials in the United States long before Covid-19. From 1984 to 2022, he led the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases (NIAID), one of the main federal bodies responsible for research into infectious and immune diseases.
He also served as chief medical advisor to President Joe Biden and announced in August 2022 that he would leave both posts that December. Over nearly four decades at NIAID, Fauci advised seven US presidents on infectious disease threats, from HIV and Ebola to pandemic influenza and Covid-19.
During the pandemic, he became the most visible scientific face of the US response. He helped shape public health guidance and promoted a layered approach to containing the virus, including reduced contact, distancing, masks, testing, quarantine and later mass vaccination.
The Wuhan Funding Trail
On 18 June 2026, in one of her final acts as director of national intelligence, Tulsi Gabbard released a set of declassified documents through the Office of the Director of National Intelligence (ODNI) under the title Fauci Funded Wuhan Lab Research That Sparked COVID.
The release alleges that before the pandemic, Fauci, as head of NIAID, helped direct US taxpayer funding toward risky gain-of-function research on bat coronaviruses at the Wuhan Institute of Virology. ODNI describes the work as now “widely viewed” as the source of the unintentional laboratory leak that began the pandemic.
The money did not go straight to Wuhan. It passed through EcoHealth Alliance, a US nonprofit organization focused on infectious disease risks involving humans, animals and the environment.
A 2023 audit by the inspector general of the US Department of Health and Human Services examined three National Institutes of Health (NIH) awards to EcoHealth totaling about $8m. Of that sum, $1.8m went to subrecipients, including the Wuhan Institute of Virology.
The audit found serious oversight failures. It said NIH did not monitor EcoHealth effectively or act quickly enough when compliance problems emerged. It also concluded that weaknesses in NIH and EcoHealth procedures limited their ability to understand the nature of the research, identify risks and take corrective action.
One point is crucial. NIH did not refer the work for outside review of enhanced potential pandemic pathogens because it had determined that the research did not involve, and was not reasonably expected to create, use or transfer, such a pathogen. The inspector general did not conclude that the research caused the pandemic.
The audit did, however, find that NIH missed opportunities to monitor the work more effectively. It also cited EcoHealth’s inability to obtain scientific documentation from the Wuhan Institute of Virology and identified $89,171 in unallowable costs.
Fauci and the Intelligence Agencies
The new ODNI material goes beyond the funding trail. It focuses on Fauci’s contacts with the US intelligence community and argues that he had a direct role in shaping assessments of the virus’s origin.
According to ODNI, Fauci worked with senior intelligence officials and helped identify experts who would advise agencies on the origins question. The agency says analysts treated him not simply as a health official, but as a guide to “the real coronavirus experts”.
ODNI alleges that the experts favored by Fauci helped steer intelligence assessments toward a natural-origin explanation and away from the lab-leak theory. It also says dissenting voices inside or around the intelligence process were ignored, sidelined or punished.
That allegation is the heart of the new release. If ODNI’s account is right, Fauci was not merely a scientist offering detached advice during a national emergency. He was also a powerful official with a direct interest in how agencies understood the very research network that his institute had helped fund.
Fauci and Congress
The documents also raise questions about Fauci’s testimony before Congress in 2024.
According to ODNI, Fauci was repeatedly asked whether he had spoken to the FBI, CIA, Defense Intelligence Agency or any other US intelligence agency about viral research before, during or after the pandemic. ODNI says he eventually answered, “not to my knowledge about COVID”.
The agency says the newly released correspondence contradicts that answer. Its position is that Fauci did communicate with intelligence officials and helped identify outside experts involved in assessing the origins of the pandemic.
That does not, by itself, settle the legal question of perjury. Lying under oath requires more than a contradiction in the paper trail. But the documents do make Fauci’s presentation of his role harder to square with ODNI’s account of his contacts inside the intelligence system.
What Earlier Reports Said
The new ODNI release is far more forceful than earlier US intelligence assessments.
A 2023 ODNI report said US intelligence agencies still regarded both a natural origin and a laboratory-associated incident as plausible explanations. The National Intelligence Council and four other agencies assessed that the first human infection most likely came from natural exposure to an infected animal. The FBI and the Department of Energy judged a laboratory-associated incident to be the more likely cause, while the CIA and another agency remained unable to determine the precise origin.
The same report said the intelligence community had no direct evidence that a specific research-related incident at the Wuhan Institute of Virology caused the pandemic. It also said there was no indication that the institute’s pre-pandemic holdings included SARS-CoV-2 or a close progenitor.
That earlier caution matters. The new ODNI release is politically explosive, but its strongest claims should still be read as a new allegation from the current intelligence leadership rather than as a settled finding accepted across the US intelligence community.
What Remains Unclear
The documents strengthen the case for renewed scrutiny of Fauci’s role in US-funded coronavirus research, his contacts with intelligence officials and his later testimony before Congress.
They do not settle every question. They do not prove, on their own, that Fauci committed perjury. They do not erase the earlier intelligence assessment that both natural spillover and a laboratory incident remained plausible. Nor do they resolve the scientific debate over the exact origin of SARS-CoV-2.
What they do show is that the public picture of Fauci as a purely detached scientific authority is now much harder to sustain. He was not outside the system assessing the origins of Covid-19. He was connected to the funding network, in contact with intelligence officials and involved, according to ODNI, in steering agencies toward selected experts.
The broader issue is institutional trust. If scientific debate was narrowed, if intelligence assessments were shaped by a small circle of preferred experts and if public officials later gave incomplete accounts of their role, the public has a right to know how those decisions were made.
That is why the Fauci files matter. Not because every claim in the new ODNI release is already proven beyond dispute, but because they reopen one of the most consequential questions left by the pandemic: whether official narratives were protected at the very moment they most needed scrutiny.