France reached its peak under the reign of Louis XIV, who solidified absolutism. Yet the strengthening of royal power did not bring lasting stability to the monarchy. His great-grandson, Louis XVI, was executed in 1793 — marking the end of the monarchy. Although its fall was celebrated, the longing for a wise ruler and for equality remained.
This ideal merges with pragmatism in the figure of the president — who must embody both monarch and leader of the people. Macron, however, has failed in this role, appearing more like an aloof monarch — Jupiter — than a unifying leader.
Protection from instability
The deep archetypes of every nation reveal its historical aspirations, which manifest in concrete historical events. The current French regime, known as the Fifth Republic, was founded in 1958. To understand how it functions, one must examine the causes that led to its creation.
Dissatisfaction with the Fourth Republic stemmed from a fragmented parliament that produced 21 governments in just twelve years. Internal political quarrels hampered the country’s postwar economic recovery. Instability was equally evident in foreign policy — the loss of Indochina and the Algerian crisis in 1958 hastened the regime’s collapse.
In the midst of this chaos, President René Coty called upon Charles de Gaulle — a wartime hero who had resigned in 1946 over disagreements about constitutional powers — to restore order. Having withdrawn from politics, de Gaulle returned as the savior of the Republic. He accepted on the condition that a new constitution be drafted, laying the foundation for the Fifth Republic.
The constitutional reform strengthened presidential powers, with the head of state elected directly by the people since 1962. At the same time, parliament’s role was reduced and the executive branch empowered. The new system made it harder to topple a government — a vote of no confidence would now require an absolute majority of all deputies, not just those present, as under the Fourth Republic. This mechanism curbed frequent government changes by making absolute majorities harder to achieve.
Imperfections of the Republic
The Fifth Republic brought stability, though not without flaws. Its effective operation depends on the president having strong parliamentary support. When the president and prime minister come from opposing political camps, a so-called cohabitation occurs, which weakens presidential authority — a situation far from ideal.
To reduce this risk, France shortened the presidential term from seven to five years between 2000 and 2001, aligning it with parliamentary terms. Moreover, legislative elections now follow presidential ones, increasing the likelihood of the president securing a supportive majority. Despite these adjustments, the system of the Fifth Republic remains complex, and full political stability is not guaranteed.
This instability became evident after Emmanuel Macron’s reelection in 2022. He retained his mandate by positioning himself as a “barrier” against extremism, especially Marine Le Pen. His victory thus reflected not so much endorsement of his program as rejection of the national conservative challenger.
Discontent with Macron’s leadership emerged in the legislative elections that followed, where his party secured only 245 seats — down from 350 in the previous term. The threshold for a parliamentary majority is 289. This result foreshadowed the political instability that has persisted since 2022.
After his party’s defeat in the European elections of June 2024, Macron unexpectedly dissolved the National Assembly — comparing the move to “throwing a live grenade.” He was right. The decision shocked the political scene precisely because it weakened his own position.
The snap elections confirmed that assessment: Macron’s political group won only 159 seats, a sharp drop from 245 in 2022. The instability of the Fifth Republic’s system thus became fully visible. Within a single year, France cycled through three prime ministers, and it remains uncertain whether the current one will last until the end of 2025.
Institutional crisis
France’s crisis is not merely political or economic — it is primarily institutional. Politicians are currently unable to resolve the deepening public deficit. The parties’ plans lack realism and fail to provide sustainable solutions. For example, former Prime Minister François Bayrou’s proposal to cut €43 billion in spending gained little support and would have postponed, not solved, the crisis.
Under current conditions, the Fifth Republic offers two main paths forward. The first is the dissolution of parliament and new elections, as demanded by the Rassemblement National. In such elections, the party would likely gain seats, increasing its influence and financial resources.
However, it is improbable that it would win the absolute majority required to form a government that the president must respect. Since new elections can only be called a year after the previous ones, France faces the risk of political paralysis until the 2027 presidential election — effectively losing two years of stability.
The second option would be the president’s resignation and the calling of an early presidential election. A newly elected president could then dissolve parliament and form a stable government for five years. This scenario, however, remains unrealistic.
Macron has no intention of resigning and intends to serve out his mandate. Although impeachment is theoretically possible, it has never occurred in the history of the Fifth Republic. Moreover, there is no strong political figure capable of uniting the nation and commanding broad support. Early presidential elections would therefore likely fail to resolve the crisis.
A third — more radical — solution would be to transform the institutions of the Fifth Republic into a classical parliamentary democracy, modeled on other Western systems. Yet this would require a fundamental constitutional reform and broad political consensus — something nearly impossible in today’s fragmented political landscape.
Author: Matěj Široký