Germany’s first F-35 has taken off. Berlin is paying almost €10bn for 35 jets whose full source code it cannot inspect and whose combat readiness still depends on American software, data and spare parts. Fourteen NATO partners have made the same bargain because Europe has no comparable aircraft ready.
The F-35 is a powerful weapon system. But the big question surrounding it is: who holds that power? Photo: Nick Ut/Getty Images
|
The first F-35 built for Germany made its maiden flight from Lockheed Martin’s plant in Fort Worth, Texas, on 8 September. Its official unveiling will follow on 18 September.
Berlin has ordered a total of 35 aircraft for almost €10bn ($11.7bn). The package includes weapons, spare parts and maintenance for the first five years. The first eight jets will initially remain in the US, where German pilots and technicians will undergo training. The first aircraft are due to arrive at Büchel Air Base in late 2027. A year later, the German Air Force aims to have them operational.
The F-35 is a versatile combat aircraft. It can engage enemy aircraft, strike ground targets and use its sensors to build a comprehensive picture of the battlefield. Its low radar signature is designed to allow it to approach enemy positions more closely before being detected.
Another role, however, tipped the balance in favor of the purchase. Germany does not possess nuclear weapons of its own but participates in NATO’s nuclear deterrence. In the event of a nuclear mission, German pilots would carry American B61 bombs. That role is currently assigned to the aging Tornado. The F-35 is already certified to carry the B61-12 and can therefore replace it.
Military experts have been debating for months whether the US possesses a so-called kill switch that could remotely disable the aircraft. Both the Pentagon and the Bundeswehr deny that such a mechanism exists. Ultimately, Germany has little choice but to take the Americans at their word. The German Air Force cannot fully inspect the source code because it remains classified.
The Bundeswehr is allowed to use the F-35’s core software but cannot inspect it in full, let alone modify it independently. Germany is therefore buying a combat aircraft whose digital inner workings it can neither fully examine nor control. And a hidden kill switch would not, in any case, be Washington’s only means of influencing the aircraft’s operational capability.
The US also provides new software versions and data on enemy radar systems. If Russia introduces a new air-defense system, for example, the F-35 needs to recognize its signals. If Washington withholds the relevant data or an update, the aircraft loses precisely the advantage for which Germany is paying billions.
Spare parts and particularly complex maintenance also depend on the Pentagon. The US can suspend agreed support. An American expert told Breaking Defense that Washington could quickly weaken foreign F-35 fleets by cutting off support and access to critical systems.
US figures illustrate how sensitive this support model can be. According to an audit report, only 28.5% of US F-35As were fully mission capable in 2025, meaning they were able to perform all their assigned missions.
Germany is only one part of a much larger system. In total, 14 NATO partners operate the F-35 or have ordered it. By the early 2030s, more than 600 aircraft are expected to be stationed in Europe. This makes joint operations and training easier. At the same time, a growing share of Europe’s air defense depends on US technology, data and political decisions.
This deliberate dependence is striking, particularly when it concerns NATO’s nuclear-sharing arrangement. Europe is, after all, perfectly capable of building fighter jets. The Eurofighter, France’s Rafale and Sweden’s Gripen are all advanced combat aircraft.
None of them, however, meets all of Germany’s requirements for replacing the Tornado. Berlin needed a difficult-to-detect aircraft capable of processing advanced sensor data and already certified to carry the American B61-12. Europe had originally hoped to reduce this dependence through the Future Combat Air System. Germany, France and Spain planned to jointly develop a next-generation fighter jet.
In June 2026, however, the joint development of the aircraft itself foundered on familiar European obstacles. France’s Dassault wanted to lead the project and retain control over key technologies. Airbus demanded an equal role for Germany and Spain. The countries also had different military requirements. France needed a carrier-capable aircraft and wanted to maintain its own nuclear deterrent. Germany wanted neither. Even two mediators failed to resolve the dispute. Merz and Macron ultimately concluded that the companies were unlikely to reach an agreement.
Britain, Italy and Japan are pursuing a separate project, the Global Combat Air Programme. Their jointly developed fighter is due to enter service in 2035 under the current timetable. By then, Germany’s Tornado is supposed to have been retired for five years.
The failure of Germany, France and Spain to reach an agreement is therefore more than a setback for Europe’s ambition to build an independent military defense capability. Unable to agree on who should lead the project, the three countries have effectively ceded that leadership to the United States.
Welcome to the comments section of the Štandard daily. Please take note of our guidelines, comments are moderated by us. You can contact the moderators at support@statement.com.
Participate in the discussion
Comments are available to subscribers only. If you'd like to join the discussion, choose a subscription starting at €6.72 per month.
All comments 0
Register
Comments are available to registered users only. If you'd like to join the discussion, register here.
